There are several ways to explain the rise of Marathas in the 17th century as a major political force and scholars have proposed few possible explanations. Grant Duff in his book A History of the Mahrattas (1826) considered Marathas as a ‘conflagration’ in the forests of Sahyadri. However, M G Ranade, (Rise of Maratha Power, 1900) suggested that it was a struggle for nation against the Mughals, who were foreigners. Such a proposition is difficult to sustain on historical grounds, especially because if we Mughals were considered outsiders then how to explain Marathas accepting service at the courts of Bijapur and Ahmednagar.
Similar argument was extended by Jadunath Sarkar and G S Sardesai, who saw emergence of Maratha power as ‘Hindu’ retaliation to the communal policies of Aurengzeb. However such an assertion is difficult to sustain especially because Marathas were regularly served Muslim rulers of Bijapur and Ahmednagar. Moreover, policies of Shivaji do not substantiate such an impression. His assumption of the title such as haindava dharmoddharak was a regular appropriation by the rulers. Andre Wink locates reasons for the emergence of Marathas in the mounting pressure of the Mughals. Mughals appears to be one of the several factors, which have been elaborated by the Satish Chandra.
Satish Chandra locates rise of Marathas in the larger socio-economic context. He also acknowledges the significant role of the geography which facilitated a different kind of polity. He suggests that Shivaji was able to capitalize on the discontent against the intermediaries and was successful in garnering the support from the peasantry. Shivaji curtailed the powers of deshmukhs to check the abuse of power by them. The number of retainers to be maintained by the deshmukhs was also restricted, which also played important role in constraining the powers of the deshmukhs. This benefitted petty landlords who constituted a large number of armed retainers of the Maratha army under Shivaji. Shivaji emphasized on extension of area under cultivation and improvement of cultivation, which benefitted the peasantry. Irfan Habib has suggested that oppressed peasantry was eager to rebel and Shivaji was successful in channelizing the energy.
Like any other emerging power Shivaji made excellent use of matrimonial relations. While curtailing the powers of Deshmukhs, he managed matrimonial alliances with the leading deshmukh families of the region; Nimbalkars, Morayas, Shirkes to claim equal status. Moreover his coronation as suryavamshi Kshatriya with the help of Gagabhat and other Brahmins of Benaras further enhanced his prestige. He buttressed his claim to kshatriya status with the help of genealogy connecting him with the Indra and titles like kshatriya kulavatamsa. This helped him in claiming higher status among the Maratha families and thereby exclusive claim to collect sardeshmukhi.
Such a possibility to access kshatriya status played important role in mobilization of Maratha who were not only agriculturalists but also the fighting class. Marathas thus rallied behind Shivaji and played exemplary role in the military success of Shivaji. Similarly, agricultural community; kunbis also rallied behind Shivaji along with tribal groups like kolis and others. Therefore, upsurge of Shivaji was based on greater mobilization of different sections of Martatha society, who were also seeking better social status along with resentment against economic exploitation by the traditional elite of the region. Therefore reducing Maratha upsurge solely to a desire to overthrow the foreign rule is very superfluous explanation.
The role and significance of bhakti movement in social and political mobilization was most visible in the emergence of Maratha power. Insistence of on egalitarianism by Maharashtra Dharma played very important role in the consolidation of Marathas as a cultural identity and paved way for social upward movement. As such Maharashtra dharma means an ethical policy of great enlightened state however Guru Ramdas gave it political connotation. Guru Ramdas was critical of Turko-Afghan-Mughal rule. Such a stance by Sant poet was capitalized by Shivaji and he mobilized peasantry against Deccani rulers as well as against the Mughal. However, it was a regional assertion against the dominant powers. Therefore, cannot be termed as Hindus fighting against the Muslims. The sheer fact that Shivaji, his nobles/sardars and his successors collected chauth and sardeshmukhi (a legalized plunder) across their dominion is clear testimony that it was not a Hindu rashtra fighting against the Muslims. Similarly question of Hindu Swarajay was a tool for political mobilization by regional power against the centralizing approach of Mughals. Marthas wanted to establish a large principality especially after the disintegration of Ahmednagar.
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