Ethnography, which is a much sought after and important method of research employed by social scientists including anthropologists to study tourism, is faced with difficulties while investigating tourism. This is because the tourist space, the tourist (guests) and the natives (hosts), all have interesting yet complicated positioning, making tourism investigation rather complex.
Ethnography is an intrinsic part of
anthropological investigation. It is a methodology which has the credibility of
establishing itself first as a method and then as a product. It involves direct
engagement with people for a long period of time and preferably with the use of
local language to gather “authentic” information about cultures. This
methodology put to use in the case of tourism studies raises concerns that need
attention.
1. The Field Site/The Tourist Spot
Majority of the tourist spots have
been historically significant and people visit them to recreate the romantic or
ideal imagery they have in their mind’s eye about the space. The image of such
a spot gives the tourists the opportunity to see the space as it has been
etched in their imagination from the accounts they have read and the pictures
they have seen of the same from elsewhere. This creates an exotic imprint in
them which when they actually encounter, they would like it to be exactly as
they had visualised. It is the past of that particular place that they would
like to see rather than its present. The people commercially responsible for
the promotion of such spots equally are responsible in keeping such ideals
alive as they too offer the tourist the assurance that the spot will possess
the fantasy, glamour and sentimentality that it owned once upon a time. So, for
example, in the case of India, the Westerners would love to see an exotic land
with snake charmers, naked hermits and elephants or the famous Taj Mahal as a
symbol of true love.
The locals in such tourist spots, to
keep this imagined reality intact, behave in a way which is pleasing to the
tourists, allowing them to take with them a sense of satisfaction and
fulfillment. The very actions undertaken to achieve these ends provide
interesting anthropological fields of study.
2. The
Tourist/The Guest
Secondly a tourist spot is identified
not only by the attractions it possesses but also equally by the people who
visit the space and make it economically and culturally viable. They comprise
of the visitor, the guest who go to experience what a place has to offer and
most importantly for leisure and pleasure. The presence of the tourist allows
for an interesting take for an ethnographer to study the perspective the
tourists hold for the place, the gaze the tourists emanate, how the tourists
view the locals etc. As mentioned above the tourists would like to be
positioned in a way which caters to their imagined reality, it is therefore
more interesting to understand and see how an ethnographer tackles such
scenarios where the past, the present, the imagined and the real are all
entangled.
Comparing an ethnographer and a
tourist is a highly controversial area, debated by many scholars as to what
role each has to play, how similar or different they are and how they can
co-exist the validity of a travelogue penned by a tourist as compared to an
ethnographic monograph created by an ethnographer. Their similarities in the
ways of representing society and its culture, overlap so much that they have
also been addressed as ”distant relatives” (Crick 1995). As in the past
anthropology was dependent on the accounts of missionaries, voyagers, migrants
to develop the subject, similarly who is to say that work created by tourists
cannot be helpful in a world where the discourse produced by the ethnographer
on a society debates with the question of what the “other” sees that the “self”
might want to do away with. Urry (1990) exclaims that it is now hard to
identify any difference between processes of tourism and processes of society
and culture. This is as in this postmodern world meaning of perception and
representation may vary for different observers. As early as in 1955 Lévi
Strauss brought out Tristes Tropiques (1955) which is a classic example of an
anthropologist’s travels and can be safely placed as a work of anthropological
importance where ironically Strauss talks about his hatred for travel and
people who travel.
3. The
Native/The Host
One important aspect that anthropologists
look into is to what extent and in what way the host communities are affected
by the entry and presence of guests, the tourists. The impact of the culture of
the tourist on that of the hosts can be interesting to note. The hosts copy the
mannerisms of the guests which after a period of time can considerably affect
the cultural and social structure of the host community. This can result in
either a simple cultural drift or a more complex acculturation. This however
can only happen if the tourist is seen as coming from a superior culture.
Mathieson and Wall (1992) has pointed out that when hosts change their
behaviour akin to the guests when they are present but become their normal
selves again, once the tourists leave can be seen as cultural drift. It is more
phenotypic. However, if changes in behaviour become a more permanent happening
where the cultural change which occurs due to coming in contact with tourists
and is handed down from one generation to the next, then this can be a part of
acculturation. This may be seen as genotypic behaviour. For example, the
hillstations of India that were the favourite tourist spots of the British,
imbibed much of British culture which still persists.
Nash has discussed about the
“adaptations host communities make when they become tourist destinations”
(1996: 121). With the building of hotels, resorts and recreation centres. hosts
have to cater to all the needs that the tourists look for to make the guests
feel ‘at home’. For this it is obvious that the hosts have to make significant
changes in their own lives to create another environment which is not part of
their everyday life.
The tourist-host
contact is often “mis-interpreted”. Each has unreal expectations of each
other’s reality and allows anthropologists to notice the kind of adaptations
they make to their behaviour to meet these expectations. Salazar and Graburn in
their book, Tourism Imaginaries: Anthropological Approaches (2014) deal with
these very concerns.
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