Nationalism is generally seen as a political principle for establishing sovereign nation-states. Nanda (2006) argued that nationalism in a multi-national context is viewed differently at different levels. By analysing several cases of linguistic and provincial movements in India, he tried to demonstrate that in multi-ethnic countries, such as India, nationalism assumes a political connotation at the macro Ideological Images of India level and a cultural connotation at the regional level. While the political connotation symbolises the establishment of a sovereign nation-state at the macro level, the cultural connotation, by and large, underlines the protection of distinct cultural nation/nationality in a given provincial political space within the common sovereign state.
India faces the uphill task of reconciling
national integration efforts with accommodation of multiple ethnic identities
within the framework of a single sovereign polity. The task becomes all the
more difficult as free India has adopted a secular democratic political system.
It is well known that India is a veritable labyrinth of cultural
pluralism/diversity. Of numerous languages, religions, tribes, races, castes
and sub-castes of cultural pluralism in India, language, tribe and, to some
extent, religion, happen to be crucial, as they not only serve as important
markers of group identity, but also provide viable bases for nationality formation.
The fact that linguistic and tribal identities in India are linked to a
definite territory, that is, a concept of ‘homeland’ or ‘desh’, reinforces
their salience.
Moreover, the term ‘desh’ implies not merely a
territory, but also a people, language, style of life, and pattern of culture;
in fact, a nation in the European sense of the term. Deshpande (1983) observes
that the concept of ‘homeland’ is variously expressed in Indian vocabulary as
‘desh’, ‘nadu’, ‘rastra’, to name some of these. In addition, several
linguistic and tribal groups in India possess distinct history, culture, myths,
symbols and values. All these elements go into the making of territorially
rooted cultural nationalities in India and render her a multi-national
character. Given such a complex socio-cultural reality, any attempt to disturb
the natural linkage between language, culture and homeland would cause
disaffection among the affected people. As a matter of fact, this natural
linkage between territory, language and culture was disturbed for the first
time in India during the colonial period.
The colonial policy of keeping ‘Indian India’
separate from ‘British India’ was perhaps designed to thwart the development of
nationalism at the all-India level. It did not, however, take long for
nationalism to grow at the all-India level. Indian nationalism assumed a
liberal-political content and it evolved from a sense of pan-Indian
geo-political unity and an anticolonial perception shared by people belonging
to diverse cultural nationality backgrounds. In fact, the all-India national
consciousness was mainly articulated by the nationalist elite comprising
various cross sections of the Indian middle class.
Apart from the all-India level, nationalism in
India was also seen at the regionalnational level. Unlike the pan-Indian
national consciousness, however, the regional national consciousness emerged as
a form of cultural nationalism seeking to preserve identity and protect ‘homeland’
vis-à-vis other nationalities in the country. It is in this sense that the
regional cultural nationalism differed from the pan-Indian political
nationalism which aimed at India’s independence and the establishment of the
Indian nation-state. Moreover, the regional national consciousness emanated
from a cultural sense of ‘pre-existent nation’ defined in terms of a distinct
culture, shared history, specific language and common territory. Thus, the
origins of cultural nationalism in India date back to the colonial times. The
rise of such cultural nationalism was mainly attributed to the existence of
artificial provincial units in colonial India.
Like colonial experience elsewhere, in India
too, British colonialism carved out administrative provinces which did not
match the physical distribution of nationalities and their socio-cultural
affiliation. In some cases, several nationalities were juxtaposed in one
provincial unit. For example, the Bengal presidency contained different
nationalities like the Bengali, Oriya, Assamese, Maithili, Bhojpuri and a host
of tribal communities. The Madras Presidency included the Tamils, Telugus,
Malayalees and Kannadigas; while the Bombay Presidency comprised the Marathis,
Gujaratis, Kannadigas and Konkanis. In some other instances, people of a
particular nationality (for example, Oriyas, Kannadigas, etc.) were apportioned
to two or more provincial units. Juxtaposition reduced the smaller
nationalities into a minority position; apportionment led to cultural
fragmentation and territorial dismemberment of some nationalities. The
fragmentation of culture and territory created disjuncture among language,
culture and territory. Thus, tension and conflict resulted in both the cases:
in the case of juxtaposition, conflict resulted from domination of one
nationality over another; in the case of apportionment, tension resulted from a
fear of loss of ‘homeland’ and, hence, identity.
The mainstream nationalities, whose culture
and territory were not fragmented and who happened to be in majority, emerged
as dominant nationality under favourable colonial conditions. While their
culture and language flourished under colonial patronage, the language and
culture of the dominated and peripheral nationalities faced serious threats.
Furthermore, the deprived nationalities perceived the subordination of their
cultural identity to the mainstream as the root-cause of their socioeconomic
and political deprivation.
The very consciousness of protecting
and preserving one’s cultural identity within a culture-congruent provincial
unit gave rise to several cultural nationalisms in colonial India. The rise of
national consciousness among the Oriyas, Sindhis, Assamese, Telugus, and
Malayalees, and the assertion of tribal identity by the Jharkhand tribes are some
cases in point. As mentioned earlier, these cultural nationalisms at the
regional level were pursued simultaneously along with the anti-colonial
national movement for liberation of India. Several studies have discussed this
dual character of nationalism in the Indian context. A.R. Desai (1966: 368),
for example, noted that from the standpoint of the united national movement for
India’s independence, the movement of the nationalities for selfdetermination
assumed decisive significance. Some recent articulations on national identity
in India reiterated this thesis quite unequivocally. For example, M.N. Karna
(2000: 94) observes that both language and region have shaped regional national
identity in India and that pan-Indianness objectively co-exists with the
regional national consciousness.
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